The A to Z of the Gulf Arab States by Malcolm C. Peck

Author:Malcolm C. Peck
Language: eng
Format: epub
Publisher: Scarecrow Press
Published: 2008-08-10T16:00:00+00:00

A Kuwaiti diwaniyya, where politics are often discussed

Photograph courtesy of Galen R. Frysinger

The Kuwaitis confronted early the dilemma of whether to offer citizenship to immigrants, with Shaikh Abdallah and his advisers deciding not to do so except in the rarest of cases. It was apparent that granting political power to a non-native majority would soon reduce Kuwaitis to a secondary status in their own country. At the same time, the decision meant that foreign workers and their families could never aspire to enjoy the full political, legal, and social rights of citizens, however much they might contribute to the country’s development and however great their demonstrated loyalty to their adopted home might be. The resentments thus engendered among Palestinians and other immigrants, sometimes with three generations of families resident in Kuwait, were exacerbated by the fact that only a small percentage of Kuwaitis worked and those who did generally monopolized the most prestigious and best-paying jobs. Conversely, the significant employment opportunities of Kuwait induced political quiescence among the immigrants, especially among stateless Palestinians who knew that they had nowhere else to go.

From the beginning of independence in 1961, Kuwait has been preoccupied by external threats to its security. Almost immediately following the declaration of independence, President Kassem of Iraq declared Kuwait to be part of Iraq, and Shaikh Abdullah (very likely at British prodding) requested British help. A small military force was sent, replaced later by an Arab League force for several months. A considerable monetary transfer from Kuwait to Iraq ended the threat, at least temporarily. The establishment in 1962 of the Kuwait Fund for Arab Economic Development (KFAED) provided a mechanism to help purchase security but also channel funds into development projects extending eventually beyond the Arab world. Although other Arabs complained that Kuwait failed to share its wealth generously enough, Kuwait has given more economic aid as a percentage of GNP than any other country.

The creation of the National Assembly, also in 1962, was in large measure a reaction to rising Arab nationalism. However, Shaikh Ahmad, who had headed the 1938 Assembly, was sympathetic to a limited experiment in representative government. The 1962 constitution affirmed the Al Sabah as Kuwait’s hereditary rulers, but circumscribed the emir’s powers. While the emir and cabinet ministers hold executive power, the ruler shares legislative power with the Assembly, which can override his veto by a two-thirds vote. The Assembly has been a mixed success, suspended twice by the emir, in 1976 and 1986, when its attacks on the ruling family became pronounced. The electoral franchise was restricted to male Kuwaiti citizens with family residence established since at least 1920 until the extension of political rights to Kuwaiti women in 2005.

In regional and international politics Kuwait’s preoccupation with security led to careful cultivation of a middle-of-the-road, neutralist stance. In both the Gulf-Arabian Peninsula area and the wider Arab world context the country assumed a fairly low profile. Partly out of conviction and partly for self-protection Kuwait adopted a strongly supportive position on

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